Penrose, E. F. (1965) The revolution in international relations;a study in the changing nature and balance of powe[London] F. Cass,MLA Citation
Penrose, E. F. The Revolution In International Relations: A Study In The Changing Nature And Balance Of Powe. [London: F. Cass, 1965. Print.
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The revolution in international relations; a study in the changing nature and balance of power
[by] E.F. Penrose.
|Main Author:||Penrose, E. F.|
|Published:||[London] F. Cass, 1965.|
|Topics:||International relations. | Balance of power.|
|000||13877cam a2200409I 4500|
|008||740108s1965 enk b 000 0 eng|
|100||1 |aPenrose, E. F.|q(Ernest Francis),|d1895-1984.|
|245||14|aThe revolution in international relations;|ba study in the changing nature and balance of power|c[by] E.F. Penrose.|
|300|||axxii, 290 pages|c23 cm|
|504|||aIncludes bibliographical references.|
|505||0 |aI : 1. Political doctrines and balance of power : The doctrinal split between the super-powers ; The idea of balance of power not a doctrine nor a panacea but an essential accompaniment of the principle of nationality and of the independence of states ; Doctrines crisscrossing balance of power in both world wars ; Division of world into "communist" and "free" worlds illusory ; Korean War and balance of power ; Clashes in interests among communist states ; Failure of communism to displace nationalism ; Communist world a world of independent states ; Attempts to adjust doctrines to a world of independent communist states -- 2. The non-communist world : Wide variations in the non-communist world ; Failure of communism in western countries ; Economic and political differences between communist and non-communist worlds ; Internal obstacles to spread of communism and seizure of power by communist parties in non-communist countries ; Doctrinal anti-communism and its effects on western policies ; Disastrous effects of the doctrine of non-recognition ; Influence of political doctrines and balance of power in south-eastern Asia ; Motives of British and French aggression in the Middle East and U.S. aggression in Latin America ; Differences among western allies ; Dangers to Atlantic alliance from pathological forms of anti-communism in the U.S. ; Post-war readjustment of power hindered by doctrinal excesses -- 3. Morality and international relations : A necessary digression on the role of morality in international affairs, with special reference to imperialism and colonialism ; The Machiavellian view ; Chain of responsibilities from statesmen to the collectivite ; Morality applicable only to individual personalities ; Wide diffusion of responsibilities for actions of governments, and consequent difficulties in tracing their individual incidence ; Morality in relation to imperialism and colonization.|
|505||0 |aII : 1. Changing political geography : Early stages of revolutionary changes in political geography ; Changes in the nature and distribution of power and in the comparative importance of different forms of power ; Passion for group independence the key to the interpretation of the revolution ; Reaction following the Columbian or Vasco da Gama era ; Influence of World War in hastening the growth of nationalism outside Europe and North America -- 2. Imperialism, colonialism, and nationalism : All colonialism is imperialism but not all imperialism is colonialism ; Differences between results of colonialism and those of other forms of imperialism ; Origins of Western imperialism ; Mixed roles of governments and private interests ; Competitive imperialisms and balance of power ; Attempts at economic explanation ; Necessity of studying the internal political conditions in the countries in which intervention took place ; British imperialism and alleged strategic needs ; Analogies with recent U.S. imperialism ; Clash between imperialism and rapidly rising nationalism in Asia, Africa and Latin America ; Influence of new means of communication ; Difficulties of nationalist leaders ; Explosive political forces within emerging countries ; Effects on future world balance of power -- 3. The psychological necessity of decolonization : No assurance that decolonization will increase individual freedom ; Mass psychological necessitating decolonization ; Illustration of the issues from public debates in the early nineteen sixties ; Urgency of psychological decolonization in Western countries ; Special difficulties of the colons : Potential economic contributions of the colons in some of the new countries -- 4. Communism, anti-communism, and "le tiers monde" : Misconceptions of the extent, role, and significance of communism in the emerging and reawakening countries ; Weakness of communist parties beyond reach of armies of communist countries ; Passion for independence incompatible with subservience to Russia or China ; Communism as pretext for Western aggressions in Middle East and Latin America ; Inevitable conflicts of interest from time to time between Russia, China, and the emerging countries ; Dangers of anti-communist obsessions ; Failure to distinguish between communist and non-communist left ; Persistence of colonialist attitude in U.S. to tropical Latin America ; The economic elements in communist that attract some groups in the emerging countries ; Communists not a wholly malign influence.|
|505||0 |aIII : 1. Nationalism, self-government, and political freedom : Western criticism of nationalism contrasting with attitude in emerging countries ; Difference between the distribution of states and the distribution of nations ; Emergence of new nationalisms ; Lack of correspondence in some areas between liberation movements and national groupings ; Processes of fusion and separation after decolonization ; Future scope for multi-national states ; Nationalism and independence still valid conceptions when properly interpreted ; European achievements accomplished without political unification ; Conflict between size of states and freedom and diversity ; Similar issues to those of late mediaeval and early modern Europe but different milieu in which political change takes place ; Freedom and order in the emerging countries ; Motive forces in political issues ; Dangers of Western approval of authoritarian methods in some emerging countries, and of Western intervention against them in others -- 2. The integration and disintegration of states : Special relationships or affinities between people of different states, falling short of real nationalism but creating demands for unity ; Interregional and international complications of pan-Arabism and pan-Africanism ; Complications due to territorial divisions made in colonial and mandatory periods ; Opposite tendencies to disintegration through unwilling minority groups ; Unfavorable repercussion of both tendencies on development of representative government ; Attempts at intra-regional imperialism behind the slogans of Arab "nationalism" and African "nationalism" ; Association of ambitious unification movements with authoritarian governments and suppression of opposition ; Genuine unity presupposes representative government and toleration -- 3. Approaches to unity in diversity : Two contrasting approaches to unification ; Federations and confederations preferable in some areas to unitary states ; Examination of the arguments sometimes advanced against them ; Opposition to confederation from intra-regional imperialists ; Attempts of Egypt to dominate Arab league and of U.S. to dominate organisation of American States ; Need of bridge between British and French heritages in Africa ; Future progress likely on regional groupings within Africa ; Lines of possible doctrinal cleavage indistinct ; Absurdity of representing Africa as scene of struggle between allegiance to communism and allegiance to "free world" ; Problems of fusion and separation in south-east Asia ; Uneven influences of size of state on internal welfare and external influence.|
|505||0 |aIV : 1. The balance of power, the international organisations, the rules of the game, and public opinion : Instability of any particular balance of power resting on uninhibited pursuit of self-interest of each country ; Bilateral diplomatic exchanges not enough ; Attempts to establish concert of Europe after 1815 ; Problems in the relation of internal changes to international stability ; Weakening of concert of Europe and rise of Germany ; Effects of advancing technology ; The quality of statesmanship and the breakdown in the balance of power in 1914 ; Theoretical objections to idea, and neglect of the practical pursuit, of balance of power in inter-war period ; Naïve conceptions of international organisations as the anti-thesis of balance of power ; "Realist" school, reacting too far, underestimating indispensable and increasingly important role of international bodies ; Necessity of pursuing balance of power in framework of growing body of international law and "rules of the game" ; Dangers of subordinating international to domestic policy ; Use and abuses of "bloc voting" in the international organisations -- 2. The equality of states and the international organisations : Misconceptions in 1945 of future structure of international relations ; Decline in great power domination since the drafting of the U.N. charter ; Theoretically, privileges of international aristocracy greater in U.N. than in League ; Ineffectiveness of Security Council in practice and growth in power and influence of Assembly ; Examination of criticisms of principle of "one state, one vote" ; Interpretations of the idea of equality of states by international lawyers and by Mr. Hammarskjold ; Defense of equality of votes ; No alternative to "international personalities" as the unit of representation in international organisations ; Growth in power of emerging countries consisting mainly in other forms of power than armaments ; Their frequent failures to use it to advance the rule of law and press for disarmament ; Setbacks through intra-regional imperialism -- 3. European unity and the balance of power : Imbalance in Atlantic Alliance after Second World War, aggravated by development of, and monopolies in, nuclear weapons ; Hegemony of a single power unacceptable in either communist or non-communist world ; Weakness of Europe in immediate post-war years leading to dependence on U.S. in face of real or supposed danger from enhanced Russian power ; Rapid reconstruction of Europe to a position of greater strength than ever ; Difficulties of psychological adjustment in U.S. and U.K. ; Commonwealth of unique importance as bridge between Britain, the "Dominions", and leading parts of le tiers monde, but not a substitute for or alternative to union with Europe ; Misconceptions on supposed "special relationship" of U.K. to U.S. ; Valid elements underlying President de Gaulle's outlook ; Necessity of independent united Europe ; The President's error of tactics in excluding Britain from Common Market ; Fallacious doctrine of unilateral nuclear disarmament and of European concentration on "conventional" weapons and reliance wholly on U.S. nuclear weapons ; The cases for and against British neutralism ; Desirability of Anglo-French pooling of nuclear weapons and research.|
|505||0 |a4. Policies of the new Europe : Conditions now appropriate for unification in stages of Britain and countries of Common Market into a single multi-national state ; Individual liberties and representative government assured in such a union, in contrast to some unions proposed among the emerging countries ; Pooling of U.K. and French weapons as nucleus for development of independent European defense contributing to Atlantic alliance ; Misleading use of term "third force" ; Necessity for frank acceptance in U.S. and U.K. of genuine and not merely verbal equality of strong, integrated Europe with U.S. ; Europe not less but more trustworthy than the super-powers with respect to nuclear weapons ; Dangers from U.S. public opinion in respect to China and parts of Latin America ; Serious political difficulties in respect to economic aid disbursed by the great powers into the emerging countries -- 5. The summing up : Worldwide struggle for group freedom from alien rule ; Group freedom not necessarily coincident with individual freedom ; Mutual respect for independence of states indispensable to international peace ; Nation-state and multi-national states where toleration exists still the best milieu for development of individual freedom ; But nationalism alone not enough to create an international community ; Vital role of international organisations ; Opportunities in them to mobilize the forms of power other than armed power ; These forms increasingly important during deadlock in atomic weapons ; Grave dangers persisting from present size and distribution or renunciation of nuclear arms ; Britain a part of Europe and its most important special relationship that with France ; Necessity of European outlook with respect to defense and international policy ; International peace only possible through spread of the rule of law, which cannot develop in world divided into two opposing camps or in international organisations not universal in membership ; Necessity of a developing moral sense in international relations, rejecting doctrinal fanaticisms and self-righteous crusading attitudes.|
|650||0|aBalance of power.|
|650||7|aBalance of power.|2fast|0(OCoLC)fst00825684|
|776||08|iOnline version:|aPenrose, E.F. (Ernest Francis), 1895-1984.|tRevolution in international relations.|d[London] F. Cass, 1965|w(OCoLC)577040271|